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$Unique_ID{how00943}
$Pretitle{}
$Title{Das Kapital: A Critique Of Political Economy
Chapter XX: Time-Wages}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Marx, Karl}
$Affiliation{}
$Subject{labour
price
daily
hours
value
working-day
wages
weekly
labour-power
wage}
$Date{}
$Log{}
Title: Das Kapital: A Critique Of Political Economy
Book: Part VI: Wages
Author: Marx, Karl
Chapter XX: Time-Wages
Wages themselves again take many forms, a fact not recognizable in the
ordinary economical treatises which, exclusively interested in the material
side of the question, neglect every difference of form. An exposition of all
these forms however, belongs to the special study of wage-labour, not
therefore to this work. Still the two fundamental forms must be briefly
worked out here.
The sale of labour-power, as will be remembered, takes place for a
definite period of time. The converted form under which the daily, weekly,
&c., value of labour-power presents itself, is hence that of time-wages,
therefore day-wages, &c.
Next it is to be noted that the laws set forth, in the 17th chapter, on
the changes in the relative magnitudes of price of labour-power and
surplus-value, pass by a simple transformation of form, into laws of wages.
Similarly the distinction between the exchange-value of labour-power, and the
sum of the necessaries of life into which this value is converted, now
reappears as the distinction between nominal and real wages. It would be
useless to repeat here, with regard to the phenomenal form, what has been
already worked out in the substantial form. We limit ourselves therefore to
a few points characteristic of time-wages.
The sum of money which the labourer receives for his daily or weekly
labour, forms the amount of his nominal wages, or of his wages estimated in
value. But it is clear that according to the length of the working-day, that
is, according to the amount of actual labour daily supplied, the same daily
or weekly wage may represent very different prices of labour, i.e., very
different sums of money for the same quantity of labour. We must, therefore,
in considering time-wages, again distinguish between the sum total of the
daily or weekly wages, &c., and the price of labour. How then to find this
price, i.e., the money-value of a given quantity of labour? The average
price of labour is found, when the average daily value of the labour-power is
divided by the average number of hours in the working-day. If, e.g., the
daily value of labour-power is 3 shillings, the value of the product of 6
working hours, and if the working-day is 12 hours, the price of 1 working
hour is 3/12 shillings = 3d. The price of the working hour thus found serves
as the unit measure for the price of labour.
It follows therefore that the daily and weekly wages, &c., may remain
the same, although the price of labour falls constantly. If, e.g., the
habitual working-day is 10 hours and the daily value of the labour-power 3s.,
the price of the working hour is 3 3/5 d. It falls to 3d. as soon as the
working-day rises to 12 hours, to 2 2/5d. as soon as it rises to 15 hours.
Daily or weekly wages remain, despite all this, unchanged. On the contrary,
the daily or weekly wages may rise, although the price of labour remains
constant or even falls. If, e.g., the working day is 10 hours, and the daily
value of labour-power 3 shillings, the price of one working hour is 3 3/5d.
If the labourer in consequence of increase of trade works 12 hours, the price
of labour remaining the same, his daily wage now rises to 3 shillings 7 1/5d.
without any variation in the price of labour. The same result might follow
if, instead of the extensive amount of labour, its intensive amount
increased. The rise of the nominal daily or weekly wages may therefore be
accompanied by a price of labour that remains stationary or falls. The same
holds as to the income of the labourer's family, as soon as the quantity of
labour expended by the head of the family is increased by the labour of the
members of his family. There are, therefore, methods of lowering the price
of labour independent of the reduction of the nominal daily or weekly wages.
As a general law it follows that, given the amount of daily, weekly
labour, &c., the daily or weekly wages depend on the price of labour which,
itself varies either with the value of labour-power, or with the difference
between its price and its value. Given, on the other hand, the price of
labour, the daily or weekly wages depend on the quantity of the daily or
weekly labour.
The unit measure for time-wages, the price of the working-hour, is the
quotient of the value of a day's labour-power, divided by the number of hours
of the average working-day. Let the latter be 12 hours, and the daily value
of labour-power 3 shillings, the value of the product of 6 hours of labour.
Under these circumstances the price of a working-hour is 3d., the value
produced in it is 6d. If the labourer is now employed less than 12 hours (or
less than 6 days in the week), e.g., only 6 or 8 hours, he receives, with
this price of labour, only 2s. or 1s. 6d. a day. As on our hypothesis he
must work on the average 6 hours daily, in order to produce a day's wage
corresponding merely to the value of his labour-power, as according to the
same hypothesis he works only half of every hour for himself, and half for
the capitalist, it is clear that he cannot obtain for himself the value of
the product of 6 hours if he is employed less than 12 hours. In previous
chapters we saw the destructive consequences of over-work; here we find the
sources of the sufferings that result to the labourer from his insufficient
employment.
If the hour's wage is fixed so that the capitalist does not bind himself
to pay a day's or a week's wage, but only to pay wages for the hours during
which he chooses to employ the labourer, he can employ him for a shorter time
than that which is originally the basis of the calculation of the hour-wage,
of the unit-measure of the price of labour. Since this unit is determined by
the ratio -
daily value of labour-power/working-day of a given number of hours
it, of course, loses all the meaning as soon as the working day ceases to
contain a definite number of hours. The connexion between the paid and the
unpaid labour is destroyed. The capitalist can now wring from the labourer a
certain quantity of surplus-labour without allowing him the labour-time
necessary for his own subsistence. He can annihilate all regularity of
employment, and according to his own convenience, caprice, and the interest
of the moment, make the most enormous over-work alternate with relative or
absolute cessation of work. He can, under the pretence of paying "the normal
price of labour," abnormally lengthen the working-day without any
corresponding compensation to the labourer. Hence the perfectly rational
revolt in 1860 of the London labourers, employed in the building trades,
against the attempt of the capitalists to impose on them this sort of wage by
the hour. The legal limitation of the working-day puts an end to such
mischief, although not, of course, to the diminution of employment caused by
the competition of machinery, by changes in the quality of the labourers
employed, and by crisis partial or general.
With an increasing daily or weekly wage the price of labour may remain
nominally constant, and yet may fall below its normal level. This occurs
every time that, the price of labour (reckoned per working hour) remaining
constant, the working-day is prolonged beyond its customary length. If in
the fraction:
daily value of labour-power/working day
the denominator increases, the numerator increases yet more rapidly. The
value of labour-power, as dependent on its wear and tear, increases with the
duration of its functioning, and in more rapid proportion than the increase
of that duration. In many branches of industry where time-wage is the
general rule without legal limits to the working-time, the habit has,
therefore, spontaneously grown up of regarding the working-day as normal only
up to a certain point, e.g., up to the expiration of the tenth hour ("normal
working-day," "the day's work," "the regular hours of work"). Beyond this
limit the working-time is over-time, and is, taking the hour as unit-measure,
paid better ("extra pay"), although often in a proportion ridiculously small.
The normal working-day exists here as a fraction of the actual working-day,
and the latter, often during the whole year, lasts longer than the former.
The increase in the price of labour with the extension of the working-day
beyond a certain normal limit, takes such a shape in various British
industries that the low price of labour during the so-called normal time
compels the labourer to work during the better paid overtime, if he wishes to
obtain a sufficient wage at all. Legal limitation of the working-day puts an
end to these amenities.
It is a fact generally known that, the longer the working-days, in any
branch of industry, the lower are the wages. A. Redgrave, factory-inspector,
illustrates this by a comparative review of the 20 years from 1839-1859,
according to which wages rose in the factories under the 10 hours' law,
whilst they fell in the factories in which the work lasted 14 to 15 hours
daily.
From the law: "the price of labour being given, the daily or weekly wage
depends on the quantity of labour expended," it follows, first of all, that,
the lower the price of labour, the greater must be the quantity of labour, or
the longer must be the working-day for the labourer to secure even a
miserable average-wage. The lowness of the price of labour acts here as a
stimulus to the extension of the labour-time.
On the other hand, the extension of the working-time produces, in its
turn, a fall in the price of labour, and with this a fall in the day's or
week's wages.
The determination of the price of labour by:
daily value of labour-power/working-day of a given number of hours
shows that a mere prolongation of the working-day lowers the price of labour,
if no compensation steps in. But the same circumstances which allow the
capitalist in the long run to prolong the working-day, also allow him first,
and compel him finally, to nominally lower the price of labour, until the
total price of the increased number of hours is lowered, and, therefore, the
daily or weekly wage. Reference to two circumstances is sufficient here. If
one man does the work of 1 1/2 or 2 men, the supply of labour increases,
although the supply of labour-power on the market remains constant. The
competition thus created between the labourers allows the capitalist to beat
down the price of labour, whilst the falling price of labour allows him, on
the other hand, to screw up still further the working-time. Soon, however,
this command over abnormal quantities of unpaid labour, i.e., quantities in
excess of the average social amount, becomes a source of competition amongst
the capitalists themselves. A part of the price of the commodity consists of
the price of labour. The unpaid part of the labour-price need not be
reckoned in the price of the commodity. It may be presented to the buyer.
This is the first step to which competition leads. The second step to which
it drives, is to exclude also from the selling-price of the commodity, at
least a part of the abnormal surplus-value created by the extension of the
working-day. In this way an abnormally low selling-price of the commodity
arises, at first sporadically, and becomes fixed by degrees; a lower selling
price which henceforward becomes the constant basis of a miserable wage for
an excessive working-time, as originally it was the product of these very
circumstances.